10
TAKING THE WORD TO JAILS AND PRISONS
From Chaplain
Ray to Charles Colson's Prison Fellowship, one of the most active evangelistic
movements today is occurring in jails and prisons around the
Not only does evangelism in the
prison community present an opportunity for Christians, it's a ministry that
was mandated by Jesus Himself (Matt. 25:31-46). And, like other forms of
evangelistic ministry, it can be a challenging one in which to function.
The law speaks extensively to the religious
rights of prisoners. Over the past twenty years, there have been more court
cases that deal with religious rights in prison than any other area in
which religion and law intersect. The reason for this is simple: most of the
lawsuits that have addressed religious issues in prison were filed by prisoners
themselves, who are often more adept at legal maneuvers than many attorneys.
How many of these lawsuits have
involved the rights of Christians to witness in jails and prisons? The answer
may surprise you: virtually none. To understand why, in this chapter we'll look
at the prison system, discuss how you can pursue evangelistic activities in
that system, and explore some of the religion cases that have been decided by
the courts.
Unlike most of the other chapters in
this book, this one will not focus on law, but on strategy. Because the legal
precedents covering your right to engage in prison ministry are minimal, the
best way to function effectively in the prison environment is to understand,
from a Christian perspective, how the system works.
A Look at the Prison System
In the
As of 1992, there were more than one
million prison inmates in the
Cultural and racial factors appear
to play a significant role in the American correctional system, with 3,370
black males per
Daniel Van Ness of the Justice
Fellowship, the legal wing of Charles Colson's Prison Fellowship, has observed,
"More people live in our prisons than live in the cities of
To say that prison life is not
pleasant is an understatement. The first thing that occurs when an offender is
put into prison is that the offender loses his or her autonomy. According to
Van Ness:
The
inmate's life is regulated to the point that his ability and need to make
decisions is all but eliminated. Standard clothing is provided. Food is served
at specified hours and inmates eat what is given them. Work, if it is
available, is assigned, as are educational opportunities. Hours are determined
by regulation. Visiting is done at specified intervals.[6]
Van Ness notes five common traits of the prison experience: the deprivation of
liberty, the deprivation of goods and services, the deprivation of heterosexual
relationships, the deprivation of autonomy, and the deprivation of security.[7]
Donald Smarto of the Institute for Prison Ministries
at the Billy Graham Center at Wheaton College identifies factors that include
the dehumanizing effects of loss of choice, the threat of violence, abuse from
guards, and solitary confinement.[8]
For prisoners in solitary
confinement or on death row, life is even more empty. Jack Henry Abbott,
himself a convict, dramatically reflects:
You sit in solitary confinement stewing in nothingness, not merely your own
nothingness but the nothingness of society, others, the world. The lethargy of
months that add up to years in a cell, alone, entwines itself about every
"physical" activity of the living body and strangles it slowly to
death, the horrible decay of truly living death. You no longer do pushups or
other physical exercises in your small cell; you no longer pace the four steps
back and forth across your cell . . .
Time descends in your cell like the
lid of a coffin in which you lie and watch as it slowly crosses over you. When
you neither move nor think in your cell, you are awash in pure nothingness.
Solitary confinement in prison can
alter the ontological makeup of a stone.[9]
Another trait common among prisoners is a declaration of innocence regarding
the commission of the crimes for which they've been imprisoned. Bernard Adeney observed:
Rationalizations
are common among prisoners for the crimes that sent them to prison. Chaplain
Harry Howard, of San Quentin, once commented to me ironically that it was hard
to find a guilty man in San Quentin. One study classified typical
rationalizations of prisoners into five groups: 1) denial of responsibility; 2)
denial of injury; 3) denial of victim; 4) condemnation of the condemners, and
5) appeal to higher loyalties.[10]
Yet, for better or worse, the law allows inmates to proclaim their innocence
and to petition for the redress of grievances by appealing to various court
systems. That right has been ensured, among other methods, by guaranteeing the
inmates access to an adequately equipped law library within the prison walls.
In Bounds v. Smith (1977), the United States Supreme Court affirmed
lower court decisions that require prisons to maintain law libraries for the
use of inmates:
The
fundamental right of access to the courts require prison authorities to assist
inmates in the preparation and filing of meaningful legal papers with adequate
law libraries or adequate assistance from persons trained in the law.[11]
Thus, all prisons, whether state or federal, must maintain a law library for
inmates that includes, at minimum, legal reference works such as the decisions
of the Supreme Court, the complete federal case reporter system, the complete
regional reporter system for the region in which the prison is located, the
statutes of the state in which the prison is located, the state digest, Modern
Federal Practice Digest, and at least one set of a general reference work
on criminal law.[12]
One thing a prisoner has on his or
her hands is time. Combined with the precedents requiring access to
legal reference materials, this has resulted in the creation of "jailhouse
lawyers," inmates who have done so much research that they often end up
knowing more about criminal law, constitutional law, the rules of legal
procedure, and the rules of evidence than many attorneys.
Thanks to both jailhouse lawyers and
legal organizations in the prison reform movement, a number of cases have been
heard by the courts that have impacted religious rights in prisons.
Religious Life in Prison
The court system
in the
Many of the cases addressed by the
courts included the right of prisoners to have their religious beliefs
recognized as legitimate by the correctional system, especially those that
represented minority religions such as the Nation of Islam and Buddhism.[13]
Other cases have ad dressed the establishment of indigenous religious groups
founded by prisoners themselves - some borne out of serious religious
commitment, some as a joke, and some as a political tool to manipulate the
correctional system.[14]
Religious issues that have been
addressed by the courts over the past twenty years, with mixed results, include
the right of prisoners to have the special dietary requirements of their
religious faith accommodated by prison administrators,[15] the right of inmates
to religious services in their own faith (especially minority religions such as
the Nation of Islam and the Native American Church),[16] the right of inmates
to receive religious literature by mail,[17] and the right of male prisoners
whose religion forbade contact with members of the opposite sex outside of
marriage not to be frisked by female corrections officers.[18]
Traditionally, prisons have tended
to favor the Judeo-Christian faiths, to the extent that most prison chaplains
represent familiar denominations. In 1979, for example, at the height of the
prison reform movement, the Federal Bureau of Prisons employed sixty-three
chaplains, of whom forty-one were Protestant, twenty-one were Catholic, and one
was Jewish.[19] Dale Pace of the Good News Mission, an
interdenominational prison ministry, enumerates the professional qualifications
for prison chaplains:
In general
the government employer follows the minimum requirements recommended by the
[American Correctional Association's] Manual of Correctional Standards.
These are that a chaplain possess: (1) college and
theological degrees, (2) ordination and ecclesiastical endorsement, (3) parish
experience, (4) a minimum of one year of CPE [Clinical Pastoral Education], and
(5) the right personality. In addition, a chaplain serving a correctional
institution must have the approval of the institution's administration (sheriff,
warden, superintendent, commissioner). Some penal system chaplains must also be
nominated by a representative personnel committee, either local or state or
National Council of Churches.[20]
While the qualifications for institutional chaplains are presumably not
intended to result in religious discrimination, one result is that the
overwhelming majority of chaplains tend to come from liberal and mainline
denominations. While there are exceptions, most chaplains are not born-again
Christians.
Generally, the mandate of
institutional chaplains is to help meet the spiritual needs of persons who are
unable to pursue their own religious activities outside an institutional
environment. Therefore, chaplains are commonly found in jails and prisons, the
military, hospitals, and other restricted settings. While the employment of
chaplains by the government would appear to violate the Lemon test
(discussed in Chapter 5), the courts generally weigh any potential violation of
the Establishment Clause against the Free Exercise Clause and hold that
chaplains provide a reasonable accommodation of the spiritual needs
institutionalized persons.
The problem inherent in
government-paid chaplaincies is that the chaplains are mandated to meet the spiritual
needs of all of their constituents, regardless of whether those
constituents (inmates, soldiers, hospital patients, etc.) are Christian.
Hypothetically, if a prison inmate asks a chaplain to give him a copy of the
Koran, two factors come into play: first, the chaplain cannot refuse the
inmate's request if the prison normally provides inmates with copies of the
Bible or other religious literature. Second, when the chaplain hands the Koran
to the inmate, he or she (the government employs both male and female
chaplains) can't say, "You know, brother, this book won't show you the way
to salvation. You can only be saved through faith in Christ."
The same principle exists in other
chaplaincy services such as the military. Lieutenant Commander G.M. Clifford of
the Navy Surface Weapons Group at
The motto
of the Navy Chaplain Corps, "Cooperation Without
Compromise," implies that ministry as a chaplain is not intended to alter
the chaplain's theology. Yet a likely consequence of ministering in the
pluralistic setting of the sea services would seem to be a broadening of the
chaplain's theology by influencing that theology to become more inclusive. For
example, Chaplains from Christian faith groups are responsible for facilitating
pastoral care to Buddhist personnel without trying to convert the person to
Christianity and without compromising the chaplain's integrity. Repeatedly
engaging in this type of pluralistic ministry seems likely to impact the
chaplain's own theology.[21]
Remember the cases in Chapter 7 ("Taking the Word to Work") that
documented how employees in government-affiliated agencies are not permitted to
share the gospel on the job? Things aren't quite that bad for chaplains, whose
positions are, by nature, religious. But what happens when a chaplain engages
in evangelistic activity? Virtually the same thing. In
one case, Franklin Baz, a Veteran's Administration
chaplain who was an ordained minister in the Assemblies of God, was discharged,
in part, because he was too evangelistic. The reasons cited by the Veteran's
Administration for his discharge included:
[H]e
failed to demonstrate ability to understand a multi-disciplinary approach to
patient health care; he failed to understand the need to work within established
procedures to accomplish objectives; and he had difficulty in relating to other
chaplains which complicated the effective coordination of their spiritual
ministry."[22]
In upholding his dismissal, a federal district court acknowledged a basic
difference in the concept of the chaplaincy held by Baz
and the Veteran's Administration. In Baz v.
Walters (1984), Judge Harold A. Baker wrote:
The
[chaplain] saw himself as an active, evangelistic, charismatic preacher while
the chaplain service saw his purpose as a quiescent, passive listener and
cautious counselor. This divergence in approach is illustrated by [Chaplain Baz's] listing "twenty-nine decisions for Christ"
in his quarterly report of activities to the Veteran's Administration. It was
one of the matters pointed out [to Chaplain Baz by
his supervisor] as unacceptable conduct on the part of a Veterans
Administration chaplain.[23]
While the court acknowledged that Chaplain Baz had
established a firm case of religious discrimination, it also held that the
views of the chaplaincy service reflected legitimate aims and needs of the
Veteran's Administration in conducting its affairs.
In short, there is little room for
government-paid chaplains to engage in active biblical evangelism. While the
government is willing to accommodate a person's spiritual needs, chaplains are
expected to subscribe to what has often been called "civil religion"
- a faith similar to the plain label, no-name brands of foods you might find in
the generic products aisle of a supermarket.[24]
The other difficulty is that members
of the clergy are required to have at least one year of Clinical Pastoral
Education (CPE) in order to qualify for the chaplaincy. CPE is geared toward
training persons in pastoral care, oriented toward a liberal perspective, and
often fosters a hostility toward biblical
Christianity. According to Dale Pace:
All who go through CPE seem to be affected by the characteristic of liberalism
that places the locus of authority not in theological or biblical doctrine, but
vests it in the example of a religious life . . . Thus, the CPE training
process seems to cause even evangelical and fundamental chaplains to shift
their emphasis and trust (at least to some degree) from God's Word and His
Spirit to the influence of their presence as persons.
From its inception, CPE has failed
to emphasize theological content . . . In fact, much hostility has been
observed toward sound doctrine (i.e., evangelical theology) from numerous
ministers with CPE training.[25]
Pace conducted extensive surveys of jail and prison chaplains and found, among
other things, that CPE-trained chaplains worked less hours per week than those
without CPE, have a smaller response by inmates to their religious and
counseling programs, and spend less time with inmates in Bible and religious
education classes. While non-CPE trained chaplains were less effective as
program administrators, they appeared to meet the spiritual needs of prisoners
more effectively.[26]
An
If prisoners are
not receiving a biblical background from chaplains, who is in a position to
share the gospel with them?
You are. Many jails and
prisons allow outside persons to engage in ministry to inmates and, as an
outsider, you have more freedom than state-paid chaplains to engage in biblical
discussions that present the Christian gospel without the need to compromise
the message. A chaplain can't tell an inmate that he or she is going to hell in
a proverbial handbasket because the inmate is a
Muslim, Buddhist, or atheist, but you can. (I don't recommend presenting the
gospel that way, but use the example to illustrate that you, as a volunteer and
an outsider, have more freedom to openly discuss the uncompromised message of
Christ than a state-paid chaplain does.)
The ability to get your foot in the
door requires some diplomacy. The fact is that no jail or prison has to allow
you into their institution at all. Generally, the courts defer to prison
administrators in the interest of maintaining a secure environment, and that
includes the freedom of administrators to refuse admission to anyone they feel
will convey a message that is not in harmony with the goals of the correctional
facility.
It also includes the right of prison
administrators, including chaplains, to determine who will be allowed to convey
a religious message behind the institution's walls. The courts have held that
as long as a prison makes a reasonable effort to accommodate inmates'
religious needs, they need not even allow outside clergy into the prisons to
meet specific denominational needs. Thus, if the chaplain of a prison is from any
type of
So, let's get to the bottom line.
What rights to you have under the law to go into the prisons and witness to
inmates, share the gospel, engage in Bible studies, or hold worship services? For all intent and purpose, none.
Nonetheless, outside individuals and
prison ministries are granted permission to conduct such activities every day,
and there are some strategic techniques in which you can engage to pursue a
prison ministry.
Jails and prisons are not a pleasant place, but despite their flaws, inmates have a keen sense of reality. Many of them have been down so long that the only way they can go is up, and they are often one of the most receptive audiences for hearing and responding to the Word of God. Those who do make a commitment to Christ have had their lives changed and, from an evangelistic perspective, there are great blessings to be gained from engaging in a prison ministry.
NOTES
1. Howard
Goodman, "
2. Ibid.
3. Daniel Van
Ness, Crime and Its Victims (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity
Press, 1986), 44.
4. Howard Goodman,
"Prison Bursting at the Bars," The
5. For more information on
prison alternatives, see Charles Colson and Daniel Van Ness, Convicted: New
Hope for Ending America's Crime Crisis (Westchester, IL: Crossway Books,
1989).
6. Van Ness, Crime and Its
Victims, 53-54.
7. Ibid., 44.
8. Donald Smarto, Justice and Mercy (Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House, 1987), 22.
9. Jack Henry
Abbott, In the Belly of the Beat (New York: Vintage Books, 1981), 53.
10. Bernard T. Adeney,
"Living On the Edge: Ethics Inside San Quentin," Journal of Law
and Religion 6 (1988): 442.
11. Bounds v. Smith, 430
12. Craig v. Hocker,
13. See, e.g., Cooper v. Pate, 378
U.S. 546 (1964); Cruz v. Beto, 405 U.S. 319 (1972).
14. Steve Levicoff,
The New Song of
15. For a summary of cases dealing
with the religious accommodation of dietary needs, see Religion In the Constitution: A Delicate Balance (Washington, DC:
United States Commission on Civil Rights, Clearinghouse Publication No. 80,
September 1983), 67-72, and James J. Gobert and Neil
P. Cohen, Rights of Prisoners (Colorado Springs, CO:
Shepherd's/McGraw-Hill, 1981), 152-154.
16. See, e.g., Knuckles v. Prasse,
17. Lawson v. Dugger,
18. Madyun
v. Franzen,
19. Richard A. Houlihan,
priest and administrator, Federal Prison Systems Chaplaincy Services,
consultation statement in Religious Discrimination: A
Neglected Issue, 131.
20. Dale K. Pace, A
Christian's Guide to Effective Jail & Prison Ministries (Old Tappan,
NJ: Fleming H. Revell, 1976), 117.
22. Baz v.
Walters,
23. Ibid. at 617.
24. See, e.g., Gail Gehrig, American Civil Religion: An
Assessment, SSSR Monograph Series No. 3, (Washington, DC: Society for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 1979). See also Richard V. Pierard
and Robert D. Linder, Civil Religion and the Presidency (Grand Rapids: Academie Books, 1988).
25. Pace, Jail & Prison
Ministries, 100-101, 144. See also Jenny Yates Hammett, "A Second
Drink at the Well: Theological and Philosophical Content of CPE Origins," Journal
of Pastoral Care 29 (June 1975): 86-89.
26. Ibid., 98-100.